乔丹名人堂演讲稿中英文版
“今天我学习了么”通过精心收集，向本站投稿了14篇乔丹名人堂演讲稿中英文版，以下是小编为大家准备的乔丹名人堂演讲稿中英文版，供大家参考借鉴，希望可以帮助到有需要的朋友。
篇1：乔丹名人堂演讲稿
乔丹名人堂演讲稿
Thank you! Thank you!
I told my friends I would come here to say “thank you” then walked off. I can’t, it’s no way. I get so many people I can thank. In all the videos, you never just saw me, also Scottie Pippen and the championship we won. I’ve got a lot of questions over the last four weeks. Anybody says “well, why do you pick David Thompson?” I know why, David knows why and maybe you guys don’t know. But as I grow up in North Carolina, I was eleven years old, 1974, I think, when David won the championship. I hated North Carolina, but I ended up in North Carolina. But I was in love with David Thompson, not just for the game basketball, but in terms of what he represented. You know, we all, as David says or said we go through trails and tribulations. And he did, and I was inspired by him. And when I called him and asked him to stand up for me, I know I shocked a shoot out of him. I know I did. But he is very kind to say, ”Yeath, I’ll do it.” That is not disrespect to the North Carolina guy; we all know I am true blue North Carolina guy to the heart. Coach Smith, Larry Brown, Sam Perkins, James Worthy, you know all of those guys.
I’d like to start to my parents. You guys see all the I-likes. What is about me that you guys don’t know? As I set up here and watch all the other guys give their history. So many things I didn’t know about Jerry Sloan. And we lived on the phone, but I didn’t know he was in a small class from the first grade to the eighth grade. Even David Robinson, I have known David for some time. You know, but I found some things, good things or bad things about him that I didn’t know. And Chipson, I’ve known Chipson for years. My father and my mother spent a lot time with Mike and found out good things about her, but what about me that you guys don’t know?
I got two brothers, James and Larry, five four and five five in height. They give me all I could ever ask for. As brothers, in terms of competition. My brother Larry is an ideal situation with small things coming with small packages. This do fall me every single day. To the extend that my mother used to come out and make us come in because we were fighting way too much. My older brother was always gone. He is served in the army for 31 years. And the competition didn’t stop there. My sister who is one year younger than me, never want to be alone by herself. She took classes, extra classes, graduated from high school with me, to go to university North Carolina with me, and to graduate fairer than me. And you guys wanna know where my competition nature comes from, it came from them, it came from my older sister and she is not here today. My father who is not here today, obviously he is with us, all of us. My competitive nature has gone a long way from the first time I picked up any sports, baseball, football, run-track, basketball, anything in this class I played.
They started to fire me; you know that fire started from my parents. As I moved on my career, people add wood to that fire. Coach Smith, what can I say about him? He is a legendary coach. Lerold Smith, now you guys think that’s a mistake. Lerold Smith was the guy when I got kicks he got picked in the team. He is here tonight. He is still the same six seven guy. He is not even bigger. His level is even about the same. But he started the whole process for me, because when he made the team and I didn’t, I wanted to prove, not just to Lerold Smith, not just to myself, but to the coach who actually picked Lerold over me. I want to make sure he understood you made a mistake, dude.
Buss Peterson, My roommate. When I first met Buss, all I heard about was that this kid from Ashville North Carolina was clearly unplayed against but he has never played against me then, so how do you come to be the player of the year? Is that some type of media, exposure, you know I came from Wilmington, you know, where two channel, channel ABC and channel NBC that I never saw NBA at all when I grow up. They didn’t have CBS receiver in North Carolina or Wilmington also. Buss Peterson became a dead on my board. When I get a chance to meet Peterson on the basketball court. But he is a great person. It isn’t the fault of his. It was just my competitive natures. I didn’t think he can beat me or is better than me as a basketball player. And he became my roommate. From that point on, he became my focal point not knowingly. He didn’t know it, but he did. And Coach Smith, the day when he was on the Sports Illustrated, he named four starters and he didn’t name me. That burned me up, because I got to be on that Sports Illustrate. He had his own vision about giving a freshman that exposure, I totally understand that but from a basketball sense I deserve to be on that Sports Illustrated, and he understands that.
And it didn’t stop there. My competitive natures went right into the pros, I get to the bulls which I am very proud. At the time Jerry Reinsdorf didn’t own the team. It was another organization Reinsdorf drafted me. Kevin Loughery was my first coach. Kevin used to take practice and put me in starting five. You know, he made a competitive thing where the losing team had to run. So now we are almost on the winning team, halfway on the game, halfway on the situation, he switched me to the losing team. So I took that as a competitive thing, but you were trying to test me and by nine times out of ten the second team would come back to win no matter what he did. So I appreciated Kevin to give me that challenge, providing that type of fire with me and he threw another log on that fire for me. Jerry Reinsdorf, I mean what else can I say. The next year when I came back I broke my foot; I was out of 65 games. And when I came back I wanna play. The doctor came with his old theory that you can play only seven minutes a game, but I am practicing two hours a day. I am saying, well, I don’t agree with that math. And back then, whoever has the worst record gets the most balls in Ping-Pang balls, you know you can decide what pick you can have, but I don’t care about that. I just wanted to win. I wanna made to playoffs. I wanna keep that energy going in Chicago. So I had to go into his office and sat down with him and say “Jerry, I actually think I should play more than 14 minutes and practice more than two hours. He said “We have to protect the long-term investment we’ve invested on you. I said “I really think I should be able to play.” He said “Let me ask you this, if you had a headache.” At that time, there was ten percent that I can hurt my ankle or my foot. He said “You had a headache and you got ten capsules, and one of them is coated with poison, would you take it?” I looked him and say “It depends on how bad is that headache. How bad is that headache” .Jerry looked me and say “You are OK, I guess you had a good answer, you can go back to play. You let me allow you to go back and play.” You know, Jerry provided a lot of difficult obstacles for me but at the same time the guy gave me a opportunity to perform at the highest level in terms of basketball. The bulls, the whole bulls organization, you know, they did great adjustments for me and all my teammates. Believe me I had a lot of teammates in all the 14 years I played for the bulls. I respect each one of them. I just want them to win. No matter how you looked at it. Doug Collins came the same time when I was trying to play at the summer time. He said “well, you are part of the organization and the organization said you can’t play at the summer time. I said “you read the things in my contract; in my contract I have the ‘love the game’ clause. That means I can play anytime I want, any place I want And Doug looked at me and said “you are right, you are right.” And that’s how we became a little closer. Jerry Krause is right there and Jerry is not here. Obviously I don’t know who’d invite him, I didn’t. But, I hope he understands it goes a long way. He is a very competitive person. I was a very competitive person. He said organizations win championships. I said “I didn’t see organizations playing with the flu in Utah. I didn’t see it playing with a bad ankle.” Granted, granted, I think organizations put together teams, but at the end of the day, team’s got to go out and play. I think the players win the championship, and the organization has something to do with it, don’t get me wrong. But don’t try to put the organization above players. Because player still got to go out of there and perform. You guys got to pay us, but I am still to out to play.
Obviously you’ve seen my kids Marcus and Jeffery. I love you guys. I think you guys represent a lot of me and a lot of different person as your mum, you represent them as well. You know, I think you guys have a heavy burden. I wouldn’t want to be you guys if I had to. You know, because all the expectations you have to deal with. I mean, look around you, they charge a thousand dollars ticket for this thing, for this holy event. It used to be 200 dollars, but I paid it. You know, I have no choice. I have a lot of families and a lot of friend I have to bring in. So thank all of you to raising ticket price. I love you guys, you guys have a host of people supporting you, family, friends, people that you don’t know, relatives coming our of the woodworks. You know, no matter how you look at it, but I think we taught you right. Your mum and I, hopefully you can make the right decisions when the time comes. My mum, what can I say about my mum, my mum never stays still. You think I am busy. She is always on the go. Without her, she is rough, she is unbelievable. Even right now, she takes over two jobs. She is unbelievable woman. As I experienced the failure each everyday, it is her. She classically keeps me focus on the good things about life. You know, how people perceive you, how you respect them, you know, what’s good for the kids, what’s good for you, you know, how you perceive public, take a second thoughts and pause to think about things you should do. These all came from my parents, you know, came from my mum. She is still like this these days, I am 46 years old, she is still parenting me today. That’s a good thing. I’ll love her to death. I’ll love her to death.
And I will thank a couple of people that you guys probably wouldn’t even think I will thank. Isaiah Thomas, Magic Johnson and George Gervin. They are the so-called freezing-out in my rookie season. I wouldn’t remember you guys gave me the motivation to say, you know what? Evidently I haven’t proved enough to these guys. I’ve got to prove these guys that I deserve what I got at this level. No matter what people have said, if it is rumor, I never took it is truth. But you guys never froze me up, because I was yet happy to be there no matter how you look at it. From that point forward, I wanted to prove to you, Magic, Larry, Gorge and everybody that I deserve to be on this level as much as anyone else. And hopefully over the whole period of career I have done that, without a doubt. Even in the Detroit, we’ve done that.
篇2：乔丹名人堂演讲稿
我们乔丹体育致力于为消费者提供专业的运动服饰用品及系列运动产品，帮助运动爱好者追求卓越的运动表现，创造更加美好健康的生活方式。如今，乔丹体育已然在中国运动服饰行业奠定了坚实的地位，市场销量年年攀升。从20xx年到20xx年，诞生于福建晋江的乔丹体育走过了奋发图强、稳步成长的十年。伴随着中国体育事业的辉煌跨越，今天的乔丹体育已跃然成为中国运动服饰行业的领先品牌。
乔丹球鞋，对于爱好体育的男生来说，--1.明星崇拜尤其是特别喜欢NBA(美国男篮职业联赛)的男生来说，乔丹是美职篮历史上最优秀的球员，他的职业生涯充满了神奇。他几乎是每个热爱篮球的男生的偶像。乔丹球鞋几乎是唯一可以和乔丹的神奇直接联系在一起的事物。买下最新一代的乔丹鞋就意味着你可以拥有他的一分神奇；这双鞋可能可以重现他摆脱了重力的飞翔，重现他不败的魔力，让一切变得更加真实，更加触手可及。但是，也许除了作为一款篮球明星代言的球鞋外，它们更加吸引人的地方是在于它们忠实地记录了乔丹的一生和他的光辉时刻――这个系列的球鞋就像一本个人自传，只不过这个故事是使用皮革、橡胶和泡沫写成而已。他们把过去那些荣耀的日子设计成了类似纹身的图案，蚀刻到鞋子上面，从而把它们重新介绍给新的观众们。2. 鞋帮的高度――和乔丹是十五代比起来它稍稍高了一点点，对脚踝起到了强烈的保护力量。虽然十六代不论从脚踝的哪个角度看起来都很高――足够被称为是一双高帮球鞋，但是在你穿过它打球之后，你一定会发誓说它是一双接近中帮的球鞋。可伸展的内靴和脚踝护圈融为一体，这样设计的结果就使16代成了一双能提供足够保护性的高帮球鞋和能够提供充分灵活性的中帮球鞋的混合，这样的球鞋很适合刚刚学习篮球的初学者。
男生的女朋友们―还有什么礼物比一双乔丹运动鞋更适合作为你们热爱体育热爱篮球的男朋友们。想想你们生日时男朋友给你买的种种可爱的礼物吧，作为贴心的女朋友是不是应该给自己的男朋友一份贴心的礼物作为最温馨的回忆呢。一双乔丹16代篮球鞋可以让你心爱的他从事自己最爱的篮球运动，感受畅快淋漓的运动感觉。心动不如行动快点为你的男朋友购买一双全新的乔丹16代运动鞋吧。
男孩子(初中到高中)的家人们---要知道正处在身体发育期的男生们，快乐运动对他们的身体健康有着无穷的帮助，在学校在家里，好动往往是此时男孩子最普遍的表现；但是孩子往往又很容易受伤，而我们的乔丹16代篮球鞋的脚踝保护装置就可以让你的孩子在跑跳的时候
更加贴心的保护他们。我们球鞋的可卸性磁性鞋套卸下时可以作为一双弹性极好的跑步鞋，又适和打球。而装上鞋套的AJ16整体感非常强，外观新颖，充满时尚气息。既保护了孩子，又给孩子提供了自信的感觉。
对球鞋要求很高的专业球员―乔丹16代可以给你更加专业的帮助。专业球员对于篮球鞋的透气性保护性抓地形往往要求近乎苛刻，因为一双好的球鞋会为他增加打球的成就感于自信度。好，那我要告诉各位的是以上的要求我们的乔丹16代篮球鞋都统统为您带到。1.在脚踝处的鞋带孔设计--为球鞋的合脚程度和感觉提供了一定可调节的选项：你可以把鞋带穿过所有的三对鞋带孔从而得到最佳的保护，也可以随便使用三对中的两对，得到最适合你自己的支撑、灵活度和舒适程度。球鞋的合脚度并不是AirJordanXXI唯一可调节以适合个人需要的设置。
2.可换的缓震囊--正好停留在你的脚跟之下――如果你想换掉它，只需要简简单单地掀起鞋垫，露出这个缓震囊，然后从外底下面轻轻一推，就可以把这个像冰球一样的小东西从它的窝里面弄出来。
3.脚掌气垫--每个里面都嵌着一块ZoomAir气垫；另一对则是基于聚氨酯橡胶（PU）的黑色缓震囊，每个里面都嵌着一块AirSole气垫。
4.鞋跟处可更换的缓震囊---提供了可定制的缓震程度（实际上ZoomAir＋Phylon＋airSole＋PU的缓震囊会带来显著不同的缓震感觉）；超好的抓地能力，即使在简单的室内地板上也不遑多让；也许是目前制作最精美的乔丹系列球鞋――它的设计和构造的细节甚至超过了售价200美元的乔丹十七代。
5.球鞋整体缓震性―--十六代的缓震舱仅仅分布在脚跟和脚尖主要受到冲击的位置，这样做的额外好处是从中底去掉了相当大一部分的泡沫塑料，从而也减轻了球鞋的重量，那块碳板提高了鞋底的支持性能，而且最重要的是防止了十六代球鞋在脚底中部的弯曲，这种设计有效防止足底筋膜的受伤。篮球运动员最常见的一种足底筋膜的伤病被称作足底筋膜炎，对于篮球运动员来说，这是一种非常普遍的运动伤病。很多因素都可能导致足底筋膜炎的发作，从天生的生理缺陷到过度的训练等等，但是设计很差的鞋子也是其中的原因之一。这个设备的作用是既能保证中底在落地的冲击下不至于崩坏，也能保证球鞋在起跳的时候不会在中部发生弯折。简单地来说，是为了让防止鞋子在脚没有弯曲的情况下发生不该有的弯折。
6.硬橡胶外底---改良的鱼骨花纹设计为各种地形提供了最高的抓地性能，而且即使在表层磨损后依然能提供长期的抓地力。 7.漆皮鞋头―材料厚实，可有效的减少打球时被踩时的冲击力
8.可卸性磁性鞋套--卸下鞋套减轻了AJ16的重量，增加了透气性和灵活性，更适合打球。而装上鞋套的AJ16整体感非常强，外观新颖，充满时尚气息。
9.脚跟增厚小山羊皮--可伸展的内靴和脚踝护圈融为一体，这样设计的结果就使16代成了一双能提供足够保护性的高帮球鞋，极其适合脚踝容易受伤的后卫。
10.开窗气垫―使球员在打球的过程中摆脱闷热潮湿感，更方便脚步的移动
篇3：芭芭拉乔丹经典英语演讲稿
芭芭拉乔丹经典英语演讲稿
It was one hundred and forty-four years ago that members of the Democratic Party first met in convention to select a Presidential candidate. Since that time, Democrats have continued to convene once every four years and draft a party platform and nominate a Presidential candidate. And our meeting this week is a continuation of that tradition. But there is something different about tonight. There is something special about tonight. What is different? What is special?
I, Barbara Jordan, am a keynote speaker.
A lot of years passed since 1832, and during that time it would have been most unusual for any national political party to ask that a Barbara Jordan to deliver a keynote address. But tonight here I am. And I feel that notwithstanding the past that my presence here is one additional bit of evidence that the American Dream need not forever be deferred.
Now that I have this grand distinction what in the world am I supposed to say? I could easily spend this time praising the accomplishments of this party and attacking the Republicans -- but I don't choose to do that. I could list the many problems which Americans have. I could list the problems which cause people to feel cynical, angry, frustrated: problems which include lack of integrity in government; the feeling that the individual no longer counts; the reality of material and spiritual poverty; the feeling that the grand American experiment is failing or has failed. I could recite these problems, and then I could sit down and offer no solutions. But I don't choose to do that either. The citizens of America expect more. They deserve and they want more than a recital of problems.
We are a people in a quandary about the present. We are a people in search of our future. We are a people in search of a national community. We are a people trying not only to solve the problems of the present, unemployment, inflation, but we are attempting on a larger scale to fulfill the promise of America. We are attempting to fulfill our national purpose, to create and sustain a society in which all of us are equal.
Throughout out history, when people have looked for new ways to solve their problems, and to uphold the principles of this nation, many times they have turned to political parties. They have often turned to the Democratic Party. What is it? What is it about the Democratic Party that makes it the instrument the people use when they search for ways to shape their future? Well I believe the answer to that question lies in our concept of governing. Our concept of governing is derived from our view of people. It is a concept deeply rooted in a set of beliefs firmly etched in the national conscience of all of us.
Now what are these beliefs? First, we believe in equality for all and privileges for none. This is a belief that each American regardless of background has equal standing in the public forum -- all of us. Because we believe this idea so firmly, we are an inclusive rather than an exclusive party. Let everybody come! I think it no accident that most of those emigrating to America in the 19th century identified with the Democratic Party. We are a heterogeneous party made up of Americans of diverse backgrounds.
We believe that the people are the source of all governmental power; that the authority of the people is to be extended, not restricted.
This can be accomplished only by providing each citizen with every opportunity to participate in the management of the government. They must have that, we believe. We believe that the government which represents the authority of all the people, not just one interest group, but all the people, has an obligation to actively -- underscore actively -- seek to remove those obstacles which would block individual achievement -- obstacles emanating from race, sex, economic condition. The government must remove them, seek to remove them.
We are a party of innovation. We do not reject our traditions, but we are willing to adapt to changing circumstances, when change we must. We are willing to suffer the discomfort of change in order to achieve a better future. We have a positive vision of the future founded on the belief that the gap between the promise and reality of America can one day be finally closed.
We believe that.
This, my friends, is the bedrock of our concept of governing. This is a part of the reason why Americans have turned to the Democratic Party. These are the foundations upon which a national community can be built. Let's all understand that these guiding principles cannot be discarded for short-term political gains. They represent what this country is all about. They are indigenous to the American idea. And these are principles which are not negotiable.
In other times, I could stand here and give this kind of exposition on the beliefs of the Democratic Party and that would be enough. But today that is not enough. People want more. That is not sufficient reason for the majority of the people of this country to vote Democratic. We have made mistakes. We realize that. In our haste to do all things for all people, we did not foresee the full consequences of our actions. And when the people raised their voices, we didn't hear. But our deafness was only a temporary condition, and not an irreversible condition.
Even as I stand here and admit that we have made mistakes, I still believe that as the people of America sit in judgment on each party, they will recognize that our mistakes were mistakes of the heart. They'll recognize that.
And now we must look to the future. Let us heed the voice of the people and recognize their common sense. If we do not, we not only blaspheme our political heritage, we ignore the common ties that bind all Americans. Many fear the future. Many are distrustful of their leaders, and believe that their voices are never heard. Many seek only to satisfy their private work wants. To satisfy their private interests. But this is the great danger America faces. That we will cease to be one nation and become instead a collection of interest groups: city against suburb, region against region, individual against individual. Each seeking to satisfy private wants. If that happens, who then will speak for America? Who then will speak for the common good?
This is the question which must be answered in 1976.
Are we to be one people bound together by common spirit, sharing in a common endeavor; or will we become a divided nation? For all of its uncertainty, we cannot flee the future. We must not become the new Puritans and reject our society. We must address and master the future together. It can be done if we restore the belief that we share a sense of national community, that we share a common national endeavor. It can be done.
There is no executive order; there is no law that can require the American people to form a national community. This we must do as individuals, and if we do it as individuals, there is no President of the United States who can veto that decision.
As a first step, we must restore our belief in ourselves. We are a generous people so why can't we be generous with each other? We need to take to heart the words spoken by Thomas Jefferson:
“Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life are but dreary things.”
A nation is formed by the willingness of each of us to share in the responsibility for upholding the common good. A government is invigorated when each of us is willing to participate in shaping the future of this nation. In this election year we must define the common good and begin again to shape a common future. Let each person do his or her part. If one citizen is unwilling to participate, all of us are going to suffer. For the American idea, though it is shared by all of us, is realized in each one of us.
And now, what are those of us who are elected public officials supposed to do? We call ourselves public servants but I'll tell you this: We as public servants must set an example for the rest of the nation. It is hypocritical for the public official to admonish and exhort the people to uphold the common good if we are derelict in upholding the common good. More is required of public officials than slogans and handshakes and press releases. More is required. We must hold ourselves strictly accountable. We must provide the people with a vision of the future.
If we promise as public officials, we must deliver. If we as public officials propose, we must produce. If we say to the American people it is time for you to be sacrificial; sacrifice. If the public official says that, we [public officials] must be the first to give. We must be. And again, if we make mistakes, we must be willing to admit them. We have to do that. What we have to do is strike a balance between the idea that government should do everything and that idea, the belief, that government ought to do nothing. Strike a balance. Let there be no illusions about the difficulty of forming this kind of a national community. It's tough, difficult, not easy. But a spirit of harmony will survive in America only if each of us remembers that we share a common destiny. If each of us remembers when self-interest and bitterness seem to prevail that we share a common destiny.
I have confidence that we can form this kind of national community.
I have confidence that the Democratic Party can lead the way.
I have that confidence.
We cannot improve on the system of government handed down to us by the founders of the Republic. There is no way to improve upon that. But what we can do is to find new ways to implement that system and realize our destiny.
Now, I began this speech by commenting to you on the uniqueness of a Barbara Jordan making a keynote address. Well I am going to close my speech by quoting a Republican President and I ask you that as you listen to these words of Abraham Lincoln, relate them to the concept of a national community in which every last one of us participates:
“As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my idea of Democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the difference, is no Democracy.”
Thank you.
篇4：乔丹退役英语演讲稿
乔丹退役英语演讲稿
I am here to announce my retirement from the game of basketball. It won't be another announcement to baseball or anything to that nature.
我在这里宣布从篮球场上退役，而且这次退役后不会再去从事棒球或其他类似的运动，
Mentally, I'm exhausted, I don't feel I have a challenge. Physically, I feel GREat. the last time in 1993 I had other agendas. I felt that I wanted to play baseball and I felt that at my age, it was a good opportunity and time to do it. And with the death of my father, and I was basically trying to deal with that.
由于精神上很疲惫，我感到自己非常缺乏挑战力;体力倒还不错。1993年那次退役时我有其他计划：想打棒球，我这个年纪正是从事棒球事业的极佳时机。而且父亲刚好去世了，我只想尽力去面对这一切。
Actually I talked to Jerry last year once the season ended and I told Jerry at that time, mentally, I was a little exhausted. I didn't know if I would play next year. I wanted to put him on awareness so that he could possibly prepare going into next season. And Jerry, once we had our conversation, wanted me to take time as I did in 93 to make sure that it was the right decision because it was going to be the final decision.
事实上，去年赛季刚结束时，我和杰里谈过一次。我告诉他我精神上有些疲惫，不知到下一年还能不能打。我想让他意识到这一点，以便为下一赛季做准备。杰里--有一次我们谈过这个问题--让我要象93年那样，好好考虑，以便作出明智的`决定，因为这将是最后决定。
I retired the first time when Phil Jackson was the coach. And I think that even with Phil being the coach I would have had a tough time, mentally finding the challenge for myself. Although he can somehow present challenges for me. I don't know if he could have presented the challenge for me to continue on to this season.“ Even though middle way of this season I wanted to continue to play a couple more years, but at the end of this season I was mentally drained and tired. So I can't say that he would have restored that.
第一次退役时费尔·杰克逊是教练，
但我觉得既使本赛季他还担任教练，我也会很困难，内心里，我已感受到了挑战。当然无论如何，他都会给我一些应对方法的。我不知到他是否还有办法使我打完这一赛季。在本赛季中间我还想着再打几年呢，但当赛季结束时，我却感觉精神枯竭，疲惫。因此我确实不能说他会使我恢复精力。
I will support the Chicago Bulls. I think the game itself is a lot bigger than Michael Jordan. I've been given an opportunity by people before me, to name a few, Kareem Abdul Jabbar, Doctor J, Eljohn Baylor, Jerry West. These guys played the game way before Michael Jordan was born and Michael Jordan came on the heels of all that activity. Mr Stern and what he's done for the league, gave me an opportunity to play the game of basketball. I played it to the best I could play it, I tried to enhance the game itself. I've tried to be the best basketball player that I could be.
我将支持芝加哥公牛队，我认为比赛本身比迈克尔·乔丹重要得多。我的很多机会都是篮球前辈们给的。我这里指出一些：贾巴尔，J博士，韦思特。这些人早在乔丹出生前就活跃在赛场了。迈克尔·乔丹只不过是继承了他们的传统。斯特恩先生及其为联盟做出的贡献给了我打篮球的机会。我已尽我最大能力打球，我想努力推动比赛本身的发展。我一直在努力，尽我所能成为最好的球员。
篇5：乔丹退役的演讲稿
乔丹退役的演讲稿
I am here to announce my retirement from the game of basketball. It won't be another announcement to baseball or anything to that nature.
Mentally, I'm exhausted, I don't feel I have a challenge. Physically, I feel GREat. the last time in 1993 I had other agendas. I felt that I wanted to play baseball and I felt that at my age, it was a good opportunity and time to do it. And with the death of my father, and I was basically trying to deal with that.
Actually I talked to Jerry last year once the season ended and I told Jerry at that time, mentally, I was a little exhausted. I didn't know if I would play next year. I wanted to put him on awareness so that he could possibly prepare going into next season. And Jerry, once we had our conversation, wanted me to take time as I did in 93 to make sure that it was the right decision because it was going to be the final decision.
I retired the first time when Phil Jackson was the coach. And I think that even with Phil being the coach I would have had a tough time, mentally finding the challenge for myself. Although he can somehow present challenges for me. I don't know if he could have presented the challenge for me to continue on to this season.” Even though middle way of this season I wanted to continue to play a couple more years, but at the end of this season I was mentally drained and tired. So I can't say that he would have restored that.
I will support the Chicago Bulls. I think the game itself is a lot bigger than Michael Jordan. I've been given an opportunity by people before me, to name a few, Kareem Abdul Jabbar, Doctor J, Eljohn Baylor, Jerry West. These guys played the game way before Michael Jordan was born and Michael Jordan came on the heels of all that activity. Mr Stern and what he's done for the league, gave me an opportunity to play the game of basketball. I played it to the best I could play it, I tried to enhance the game itself. I've tried to be the best basketball player that I could be.
篇6：演讲稿英文版
演讲稿英文版
演讲稿英文版:Hold Fast To Your Dreams
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every vally shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
Wow, what a dream it has been for Martin Luther King. But the changing world seems telling me that people gradually get their dreams lost somehow in the process of growing up, and sometimes I personally find myself saying goodbye unconsciously to those distant childhood dreams.
However, we meed dreams. They nourish our spirit; they represent possibility even when we are dragged down by reality. They keep us going. Most successful people are dreamers as well as ordinary people who are not afraid to think big and dare to be great. When we were little kids, we all dreamed of doing something big and splashy, something significant. Now what we need to do is to maintain them, refresh them and turn them into reality. However, the toughest part is that we often have no ideas how to translate these dreams into actions. Well, just start with concrete objectives and stick to it. Don’t let the nameless fear confuse the eye and confound our strong belief of future. Through our talents, through our wits, through our endurance and through our creativity, we will make it.
Hold fast to dreams, for if dreams die, life is a broken-winged bird that cannot fly. Hold fast to dreams, for when dreams go, life is a barren field frozen with snow. So my dear friends, think of your old and maybe dead dreams. Whatever it is, pick it up and make it alive from today.
演讲稿英文版;Self-Confidence Is Essential to Success
自信是成功的决定因素
Nothing succeeds like confidence.When you are truly confident,it radiates from you like sunlight,and attracts success to you like a magnet.
信心成就一切，当你真正自信时，它就像灿烂的阳光一样从你身上散发出来，就像磁铁一样将成功吸引到你身上。
It's important to believe in yourself.Believe that you can do it under any circumstances,because if you believe you can,then you really will.The belief keeps you searching for answers,which means that pretty soon you will get them.
相信自己非常重要。要相信自己无论在任何情况下都会成功。因为如果你相信你能做到，那么你就真的会做到。这种信念促使你不断的去寻找答案，而不断的探索就意味着你很快就会找到答案。
Confidence is more than an attitude. It comes from knowing exactly where you are going and exactly how you are going to get there. It comes from acting with integrity and confidence.It comes from a strong sense of purpose.It comes from a strong commitment to take responsibility,rather than just letting life happen.
信心不只是一种态度，它来源于你确切地知道自己要去干什么并且确切地知道怎么去干。它来源于正直和自信地去行动。它来源于强烈的目标感。它来源于强烈地勇于承担责任的许诺，而不是让生命放任自流。
One way to develop self-confidence is to do the thing you fear and to get a record of successful experiences behind you.
培养自信的一种方法是去做你害怕做的事情，并将它做成功。
Confidence is compassionate and understanding.It is not arrogant. Arrogance is born out of fear and insecurity,while confidence comes from strength and integrity.
信心是富有同情心和善解人意的。它一点都不傲慢自大。傲慢是由于害怕和缺乏安全感才产生的，而信心则出于坚强的决心和诚实正直。
Confidence is not just believing you can do it. Confidence is knowing you can do it.Know that you are capable of accomplish anything you want,and live your life with confidence.
信心并不是仅仅认为你可能会成功，而是确信你一定能成功。确信你有能力实现自己的愿望，并充满信心的`生活着。
Anything can be achieved through focused,determined effort and self-confidence.If your life is not what you want it to be,you have the power to change it,and you must make the changes on a moment by moment basis. Live your priorities. Live with your goals and your plan of action. Live each moment with your priorities in mind. Act with your own purpose,and you will have the life you want.
如果你足够专心、坚决和自信，那么任何事都能做成。如果生活不像你预想的那样，你有力量去改变它，并且你必须一步一步的去实现这些改变。铭记你生命中最重要的事情。有目标并且有计划的去生活。为你的目标而奋斗，你就会拥有自己想要的生活。
篇7：美国有乔丹，中国有林丹
尽管伦敦奥运会结束了，但8月5日奥运会上林丹和李宗伟那场羽毛球决赛还是历历在目。林丹让我们揪心了一个多小时，在那一个多小时里，我们为他紧张，为他着急，怕他失误，怕他心急，怕他压力太大。可是他就是那么的给力，在这场较量中笑到了最后。从的“林一轮”，到的夺冠，再到的卫冕，他一次又一次书写了属于他的传奇。
在我我买到了这本林丹的自传《直到世界尽头》，我想知道这个内心强大的“超级丹”的心路历程和人生感悟。从小到大，林丹就不是老师喜欢的“三好学生”。但是，他拥有无比强大的正能量。当“篮球飞人”乔丹在中国影响力如日中天时，林丹以无比认真的口气对母亲说：“没关系，美国有乔丹，中国有林丹。”我相信，一个七八岁大的孩子，不是谁都这样的“狂妄”。
那个时候，小小年纪的林丹就显示出了不肯服输、自尊心强的劲头。当时的训练项目中，唯一让林丹害怕的就是压腿。刚开始的时候，小孩子的韧带没拉开，腿压不下去，教练就帮他压，小林丹疼得直哭，边哭边压，回家后，妈妈还要帮他继续压。可是，不管再怎么疼，妈妈也从来没有听他说过不想去练了。周末的时候，训练队要长跑，绕着上杭县城跑两圈，至少也有几千米，林丹是队里年纪最小的，他跑不到前面去，就死死跟着大一点的队员跑，一定要跑完全程。
我很早就开始关注林丹，那个时候他有个称号“林一轮”，老是在重要比赛中被别人一轮就淘汰。就是在这样的困境下，林丹也从来没有想过放弃。每个星期，非常疼爱外孙的外婆都去体校看林丹，鼓励他坚持下去，坚信他会成为一个伟大的运动员。外婆信天主教，林丹就在自己的手臂纹上十字架，提醒自己时刻不要忘记那些爱自己的人。林丹找来一本迈克尔·乔丹的自传——《我的天下》，读完这本书，林丹才开始觉得，与其说是老天选择了赋予自己不一样的使命，不如说是能力越大责任越大。“对于热爱的运动，对于我们身处的时代，我们有着义不容辞的责任。人生如赛场，即使不被看好，也能实现反转。”
8月，不满19岁的林丹登上国际羽联排名第一的位置。20至20，林丹获得各类世界比赛冠军，长时间占据世界排名第一，并成为世界首位至今也是唯一一位获得羽毛球全满贯的选手。《直到世界尽头》是林丹这些年运动生涯的一个真实写照，林丹在努力，一直在努力，直到世界尽头。他通过自己的讲述让更多人知道体育的真谛，知道他那些不为人知的故事与汗水。无论多么苦多么累的情况下林丹都不愿低头。“不是你今天感觉不好，就可以随随便便输掉的。”
伟大存在于哪里呢?也许是众人向往的金牌领奖台上，也许是不被人注意的冷清角落。但真正的伟大与成绩无关，更是一种精神的闪耀，在你的能力所及之处挑战自我达到自我的巅峰。也许无人注视，但心中掌声响起的那一刻，全世界安静，你也为之屏息。林丹，这个从福建龙岩的小县城里走出来的小伙子，他平凡如你我，却在用一颗超级强大的内心，书写人生，书写未来。
篇8：珍惜时间小学生演讲稿中英文版
珍惜时间小学生演讲稿中英文版
Goodmorning/afternoon,everybody!A famous American poet says , “Life is short, study is long.” Everyone should work hard and study well. Never waste any time. Now we are young, we have so many things to do. Youth time is like a happy bird. If it flew away, it would never return. Nothing is more important than time.
Today some students spend too much time enjoying their lives such as eating, clothing, traveling and so on. Others spend too much time reading some useless books. A lot of time has been wasted. They have no idea that waste of time means wasting of one’s life.
While we are young and full of energy, let’s study hard.
My speech is over ! Thank you.
大家早上/下午好。美国一位著名的诗人说，“生命不息，学习不止。”每个人都应该努力工作，好好学习。不要浪费时间。现在我们正年轻，我们还有很多事情可以去做。青春是像一只快乐的小鸟。如果它飞走了，它就再也不会回来。没有什么比时间更珍贵。
今天，一些学生花太多的时间享受他们的.生活，如饮食，服装，旅游等。而一些人读了很多没用的书。已经浪费了很多时间。他们不知道浪费时间就是浪费自己的生命。
我们年轻，充满活力，让我们努力学习。我的演讲到此结束！谢谢！
篇9：奥巴马告别演讲稿(中英文版)
很高兴回家，回到芝加哥!回家真好!
正如你们所见，我现在是个“跛脚鸭”总统，因为没有人再听从我的指示，正如现场大家每个人都有个座位。
很高兴回到家乡。我的朋友们，过去几周中我们收到了许多真诚的祝福，我和米歇尔深受感动。今晚，轮到我来对你们说声感谢。不论我们站在相同的政治立场上还是从未达成共识，不论我们是在房间还是学校、农场还是工厂车间、餐桌还是野外，我们之间的对话都让我更加诚实、更加奋进，也帮助我深受启发。每天，我都在向你们学习。你们帮助我成为一个更称职的总统，也帮助我成为一个更好的人。
我是在二十多岁的时候第一次来芝加哥，当时我仍然处于懵懵懂懂的阶段，仍然在寻求生活的意义。我开始与一些教会团体在已经关门的钢铁生产厂附近工作，当时那些小区离今天的会场不远。在那些街道中，我见证了信仰的力量，也在工人斗争中见证了工人阶级无声的尊严。这个时候，我明白了只有当普通人民团结起来、参与进来并致力于争取权力，社会变革才能发生。
在担任八年的美国总统后，我仍然相信这一条结论。这不仅仅是我个人的想法，也是根植在美国人心中的核心价值观，即寻求自主管理的大胆实验。
我们每个人相信，我们生来平等，享有造物主赋予我们的一些不可剥夺的权利，包括生命、自由和追求幸福的权利。
尽管这些权利看上去是显而易见，但是这些权利却从来不会自动实现。正是美国人民通过民主政治的渠道，坚持追求这些权利，我们才能够成为一个更加完美的联合体。
这是我们的先驱赋予我们的礼物，让我们有自由通过自己的辛勤劳动、梦想和努力来追求每个人不同的梦想。当然，每个美国人也应当同心协力，才能实现更加伟大的创举。
在过去240年中，美国精神一直鼓励每个美国公民积极行使公民权利，这给每一代美国人赋予了努力的方向。这也是鼓舞美国人推翻集权选择共和制度、探索开发西部地区以及修筑铁路的奴隶奋起反抗要求自由的动力。这种美国精神将漂洋过海和来自格兰德河的移民和难民凝聚在一起，鼓励美国女性走向投票站，也促使工人团结形成工会。这也是鼓舞美国士兵在奥巴马海滩、硫磺岛、伊拉克和阿富汗等战场抛头颅洒热血的精神。这更是鼓励塞尔玛小镇上黑人民权斗士和石墙中同性恋运动人士捍卫自身权利的精神。
这也是为什么美国如此特别。美国的独特之处不在于我们从一开始就拥有完美的制度，而是我们有能力改变，并帮助那些寻求改变的人过上更好的生活。
是的，我们一路走来并非一帆风顺。推动民主体制向来非常困难，有时甚至需要激烈争辩或流血冲突。每当我们向前走两步时，很多时候都感觉好像反而是退了一步。但是，美国历史一直是在进步，一直在扩大建国精神的范围，来包容美国各个阶层和社会群体。
八年前，如果我告诉你美国能够从金融危机中走出来、重建汽车制造行业、并实现美国历史上就业岗位连续增长的最长记录，如果我告诉你我们能够与古巴重建外交关系并写下历史的新篇章、在不动用武力的前提下关闭伊朗核武器研究项目、并消灭911恐怖主义袭击事件的首脑，如果我告诉你我们能够实现婚姻平等、满足万美国人提供医疗保险的需求，当时的你或许会觉得我想得太远了。
但是，我们都做到了。这些都是你们取得的成就，你们就是实现这些变革的动力。你们满足了美国人民的愿望，也因为你们，美国在各个方面都变得更好，比我刚上任时更加强大。
权力从一个自由选举的总统向下一任转移的过程是平稳有序的，这是非常重要的。我曾向特朗普承诺，我的政治团队将确保此次换届过程非常平稳，就像当初布什总统把权力交接给我一样。因为，我们每个人首先要保证美国政府未来有能力解决我们现在仍然面临的问题。
在美国历史中，曾经有过几次内部团结被破坏的时候。本世纪初，就是美国社会团结遭到威胁的一个时期。世界各国联系更加紧密，但是社会不平等问题更加突出，恐怖主义的威胁也更加严重。这些因素不仅仅会考验美国的安全和法弄，也对美国的民众体制产生威胁。未来，我们如何迎接这些民主挑战将关系到我们是否能正确教育下一代、继续创造就业岗位并保护美国的国土安全“
医疗保险政策
目前，美国未参保人数比例大幅下降，医疗保健费用增速已将降至过去50年以来最低水平。如果任何人能够提出一项医保政策，并切实证明新政策比上一届政府提出的医保改革更加有效，能够尽可能地以较低价格覆盖广大美国人民，我会公开支持这种新的医保政策。
种族和移民问题
美国总统大选结束后，一些人认为美国已经进入后种族时代。尽管这种种族融合的愿望是好的，但是却不太可能真正实现。目前，种族问题仍然是一个可能造成社会分裂的重大问题。以我个人经历来看，如今美国社会的种族问题比二十、三十年前有了较大改善，这种社会进步不仅仅体现在统计数字中，也可以从不同政治观念的年轻一代美国人的态度中看出来。
但是，我们的工作还远远没有结束。我们每个人都还有很多工作去做。如果每个经济问题都通过勤劳的美国中产阶级与少数族群之间的冲突来解读，那么各个种族的工人阶级将为一点点剩余的劳动果实争得头破血流，而那些富人会进一步收缩进他们自己的小圈子。如果我们仅仅因为移民后裔长得不像我们，就拒绝给这些孩子投资，那我们也是在牺牲美国人后代的希望，因为这些移民后裔未来会在美国工薪阶层占很大比例。
少数族裔问题
对于黑人和其他少数族群需要共同奋斗来解决许多美国人面临的问题，这不仅仅包括难民、移民、农村的群人和变性人，也包括那些看上去享受各种社会优待的中年男性白人，因为这些人都面临全社会经济、文化和科技发生重大变革的挑战。
政治是一场观点的较量，这也是民主体制的设计理念。但是，如果每个政治团体没有一些社会共识，不愿意去了解新的信息，不愿意去承认对手方的论点合理，也不愿意通过科学论据理性思考，那么这场辩论中没有人在聆听，双方就不可能产生共识或者妥协。
环境保护
如果我们不采取更加积极的环境保护措施，我们的下一代就没有时间再讨论环境变化是否存在，而是忙于处理环境变化带来的后果，包括自然灾害、经济发展停滞以及环境难民寻求避难等问题。现在，我们能够也应当讨论如何最好地解决环境变化问题。但是，如果我们仅仅否认环境问题存在，这不仅仅是背叛下一代，也背叛了历史先驱们寻求创新并解决实际问题的精神。
恐怖袭击
过去八年中，没有任何一个境外恐怖主义组织成功地在美国本土上计划并执行一次恐怖袭击。尽管美国发生了本土滋生的恐怖主义袭击事件，包括波士顿马拉松炸弹袭击以及圣博娜迪诺袭击事件。对于那些一直坚守在工作岗位上的反恐工作人员，担任你们的指挥官是我一辈子的荣耀。
我反对任何歧视美国穆斯林群体的行为。我们需要更加警惕，但是不需要害怕ISIL组织(伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国)杀害更多无辜的人民。如果我们在斗争中坚守美国宪法和核心精神，他们就无法战胜美国。俄罗斯或者中国等其他国家无法匹敌美国在全球范围内的影响，除非我们自己放弃这种影响力，变成一个只会欺负周边小国的大国。
不论我们属于哪一个党派，我们所有人都应当致力于重建美国的民主政治制度。我们的民主宪法是一项杰出的成就，也是上天赐予的礼物，但是这仅仅是一张纸，宪法本身不具备任何力量。宪法的力量是我们美国人民通过参与选举、做出决议赋予的。
美国人应当成为积极参与政治的公民，让参与政治成为日常生活的一部分，特别是如果一些人对目前美国政治的现状不满的话：“如果你厌倦了与互联网上的陌生人争辩，可以考虑在现实生活中与异见人士辩论。如果你认为一些问题需要被解决，那就采取行动组织力量。如果你对选举出来的政府官员不满意，那就争取其他人的支持来自己竞选。
致谢
米歇尔，过去二十五年中，你不仅仅是我的妻子孩子的母亲，也是我最好的朋友。你担任了一个不是你争取来的职责，但是你的优雅、勇气和幽默都给这个身份烙上了你自己的印记。
(奥巴马转向他的女儿)你们两个女孩聪明、美丽，更重要的是，你们善良而又充满热情。过去几年中，你们没有被聚光灯所累。在我的一生中，我为成为你们的父亲而自豪。
(感谢副总统拜登)从宾州斯克兰顿到特拉华州，你是我当选美国总统后提名的第一个人选，也是我最好的选择。拜登是一个好兄弟，就像家人一样。
(感谢工作人员)你们改变了这个世界。今晚，我将离开这个舞台，但是我对于这个国家比我刚上任时更加乐观.
美国民众对国家充满信心
我希望你相信，不仅仅相信我能够为美国带来改变的能力，也相信你自己能够改变这个国家的能力。
希望你们坚信美国建国宪章中记载的精神，相信奴隶和废奴主义者传播的平等观念，相信曾经通过游行争取移民公平权利的精神，相信那些将美利坚旗帜插在海外战场和月球表面的国家信念。这种信念存在于每个普通美国人的心中。
是的，我们能行。
是的，我们做到了。
是的，我们能行!
篇10：奥巴马告别演讲稿(中英文版)
It’s good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.
I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.
After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea – our bold experiment in self-government.
It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.
This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.
For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan – and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.
So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.
Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.
If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.
But that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. You answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.
In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.
We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.
But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.
That’s what I want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.
Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.
There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.
In other words, it will determine our future.
Our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – I will publicly support it.
That, after all, is why we serve – to make people’s lives better, not worse.
But for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.
There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.
And so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.
There’s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.
But we’re not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America’s workforce. And our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.
Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That’s what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”
For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.
For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.
For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.
So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.
None of this is easy. For too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s out there.
This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.
Isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.
Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.
Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.
It’s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.
It’s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.
That order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.
Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.
But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. That’s why, for the past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans. That’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights – to expand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and LGBT rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.
So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.
Which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.
And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.
Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power – with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.
In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.
We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.
It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.
Ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in. Persevere. Sometimes you’ll win. Sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America – and in Americans – will be confirmed.
Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.
That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn’t possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in , in , in – and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.
You’re not the only ones. Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You’ve made me proud. You’ve made the country proud.
Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud to be your dad.
To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.
To my remarkable staff: For eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – I’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.
And to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because yes, you changed the world.
That’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. This generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.
My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. For now, whether you’re young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President – the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.
I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.
I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:
Yes We Can.
Yes We Did.
Yes We Can.
Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.
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篇11：《将进酒》中英文版
李白
君不见，黄河之水天上来
奔流到海不复回
君不见，高堂明镜悲白发
朝如青丝暮成雪
人生得意须尽欢
莫使金樽空对月
天生我材必有用
千金散尽还复来
烹羊宰牛且为乐
会须一饮三百杯
岑夫子
丹丘生
篇12：自我介绍(中英文版)
应聘自我介绍范文一段短短的自我介绍，其实是为了揭开更深入的面谈而设计的。一、两分钟的自我介绍，犹如商品广告，在有限的时间内，针对客户的需要，将自己最美好的一面，毫无保留地表现出来，不但要令对方留下深刻的印像，还要即时引发起购买欲。
应聘自我介绍范文
1、自我认识 应聘自我介绍范文想一矢中的，首先必须认清自我，一定要弄清以下三个问题。你现在是干什么的？你将来要干什么？你过去是干什么的？
应聘自我介绍范文这三个问题不是按时间顺序从过去到现在再到将来，而是从现在到将来再到过去。其奥妙在于：如果你被雇用，雇主选中的是现在的你，他希望利用的是将来的你，而这将来又基于你的历史和现状。
应聘自我介绍范文所以，第一个问题，你是干什么的？现在是干什么的？回答这个问题，要点是：你是你自己，不是别的什么人。除非你把自己与别人区别开来，在共同点的基础上更强调不同点，否则你绝无可能在众多的应征求职者中夺魁。对于这第一个问题，自我反省越深，自我鉴定就越成功。 应聘自我介绍范文随后，着手回答第二个问题：你将来要干什么？如果你申请的是一份举足轻重的工作，雇主肯定很关注你对未来的自我设计。你的回答要具体，合理，并符合你现在的身份，要有一个更别致的'风格。
应聘自我介绍范文然后，再着手回答最后一个问题：你过去是干什么的？你的过去当然都在履历上已有反映。你在面试中再度回答这个问题时，不可忽略之处是：不要抖落一个与你的将来毫不相干的过去。如果你中途彻底改行，更要在描述你的执着、职业目标的一贯性上下些功夫。要做到这一点，又要忠实于事实和本人，最简单的方法是：找到过去与将来的联系点，收集过去的资料，再按目标主次排列。
应聘自我介绍范文用这样的方法，以现在为出发点，以将来为目标，以过去为证实，最重要的是加深了你的自我分析和理解。其实，在面试的时候不一定有机会或者有必要照搬你的大作，但这三个问题的内在联系点一定会体现在自我表述的整体感觉中，使你的形象栩栩如生。
篇13：欢迎词中英文版
Good morning! Ladies and gentleman!
(早上好!女士们,先生们!)
First on behalf of zhejiang international travel service and myself welcome everyone come to zhejiang province.
(我仅代表浙江国际旅行社和本人欢迎大家来到浙江省。)
I’m very pleased to be your tour guide during your stay in zhejiang province.
(在浙江游玩期间我很高兴做你们的导游)
If you have just come to here I can show you around。
(如果你刚来这里我可以带你到处走走)
Now please allow me introduce myself，my name is XXX.
(现在请允许我介绍一下我自己，我的名字叫XXX)
Sitting beside me is our driver Mr. Li he has more than ten year’s experience in driving so he will makes our trip a safe and pleasant one。
(坐在我旁边的.是我们的司机李先生，他有十多年驾驶经验，使得我们的旅行安全愉快)
An old chinese saying may express our hospitality:“Here come friends afar, exceedingly how happy we are!”
(一个古老的中国谚语可以表达我们的热情款待:“有朋自远方来，不亦悦乎!”)
Mr.Li and I will do as much as we can to make your tour pleasant and enjoyable。
(李先生和我将尽最大努力使大家的旅行更愉快、有趣。)
I hope that your visit to this Beautiful Zhejiang province will be a happy and memorable experience in your life.
(我希望您来到这个美丽的浙江省将在你的生活中是一次愉快而难忘的体验。)
篇14：中英文版邀请函
中英文版邀请函
中英文商务邀请函范本【1】
INVITATION LETTER
DATE : XX XX, XXXX
We 邀请方 Hereby Invite The Following Representative:
Name: 被邀请人姓名
中英文商务邀请函范本中英文商务邀请函范本
Passport Number: 护照号
Date of Birth: 被邀请人出生年月
Date of Issue: 被邀请人护照签发日
Date of Expiry: 被邀请人护照过期日
To Beijing for a business stay for 时间
We Thank You in Advance for Your Cooperation.
Yours Faithfully
邀请方代表人及签章
公司名(英文).
商务邀请函范文(中英文对照)【2】
dear mr/ms,
mr john green, our general manager, will be in paris fromjune 2 to 7 and would like to come and see you, say, onjune 3 at 2.00 p.m.
about the opening of a sample room there.
please let us know if the time is convenient for you.
ifnot, what time you would suggest.
yours faithfully
尊敬的先生/小姐,
我们的总经理约翰格林将于六月2日到7日在巴黎，有关在那开样品房的事宜，他会于六月3日下午2：00点拜访您。
请告知这个时间对您是否方便。如不方便，请建议具体时间。
您诚挚的
邀请函中英文【3】
邀请函
Invitation
尊敬的__ __
Dear___ ___
为感谢您及贵公司对我们长期以来的`支持与厚爱，我们热情的邀请您到中国进行商务考察。，尽情期待您的光临!
Thanks for you and your company supports as always.
We are going to invite you to china for a business trip.
We are looking forward your coming.
时间Time： 地点Location: Beijing CHINA
联系人Contact person:
联系电话Telephone:
传真Fax:
20XX-3-12
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