经典的宣战演讲稿
“连夜受害卷心菜”通过精心收集，向本站投稿了15篇经典的宣战演讲稿，下面是小编给大家整理后的经典的宣战演讲稿，欢迎大家借鉴与参考，希望对大家有所帮助。
篇1：经典的宣战演讲稿
罗斯福要求国会向日本宣战经典演讲
To the Congress of the United States:
副总统先生、议长先生、各位参议员和众议员：
Yesterday, Dec. 7, 1941--a date which will live in infamy-the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.
昨天，1941年12月7日，将成为我国的国耻日。美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海、空军有预谋的突然袭击。
The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.
在此之前，美国同日本处于和平状态，并应日本之请同该国政府及天皇谈判，指望维持太平洋区域的和平。
Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.
日本空军部队在美国的瓦胡岛。开始轰炸一小时后，日本驻美大使及其同僚居然还向美国国务卿递交正式复函，回答美国最近致日本的一封函件。这份复函虽然声言目前的外交谈判已无继续之必要，但却未有威胁的言词，也没有暗示将发动战争或采取军事行动。
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.
夏威夷岛距日本的距离说明此次袭击显然是许多天前甚至几星期前所策划的，此事将记录在案。在此期间，日本政府有意用虚伪的声明和表示继续保持和平的愿望欺骗美国。
The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. Very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.
日本昨天对夏威夷群岛的袭击，给美国海、陆军造成了严重的破坏。我遗憾地告诉你们：许许多多美国人被炸死。同时，据报告，若干艘美国船只在旧金山与火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上被水雷击中。
Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.
昨天，日本政府还发动了对马来西亚的袭击。
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.
昨夜日本部队袭击了香港。
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.
昨夜日本部队袭击了关岛。
Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.
昨夜日本部队袭击了菲律宾群岛。
Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.
昨夜日本部队袭击了威克岛。
This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.
今晨日本人袭击了中途岛。
Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
这样，日本就在整个太平洋区域发动了全面的突然袭击。昨天和今天的情况己说明了事实的真相。美国人民已经清楚地了解到这是关系我国存亡安危的问题。
As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.
作为海、陆军总司令，我已指令采取一切手段进行防御。
Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.
我们将永远记住对我们这次袭击的性质。
No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.
无论需要多长时间去击败这次预谋的侵略，美国人民正义在手，有力量夺取彻底的胜利。
I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.
我保证我们将完全确保我们的安全，确保我们永不再受到这种背信弃义行为的危害，我相信这话说出了国会和人民的意志。
Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger. With confidence in our armed forces with the unbounding determination of our people-we will gain the inevitable triumph-so help us God.
大敌当前，我国人民、领土和利益正处于极度危险的状态，我们决不可稍有懈怠。我们相信我们的军队、我们的人民有无比坚定的决心，因此，胜利必定属于我们。愿上帝保佑我们。
I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastard1y attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec. 7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.
我要求国会宣布：由于日本在1941年12月7日星期日对我国无故进行卑都的袭击，美国同日本已经处于战争状态。
乔治六世对德宣战经典演讲
In this grave hour, perhaps the most fateful in history, I send to every household of my peoples, both at home and overseas, this message, spoken with the same depth of feeling for each one of you as if I were able to cross your threshold and speak to you myself.
在这个庄严的时刻，也许是我国历史上最生死攸关的时刻，我向每一位民众，不管你们身在何处，传递这样一个消息，对你们的心情，我感同身受，甚至希望能挨家挨户，向你们倾说。
For the second time in the lives of most of us, we are at war. Over and over again, we have tried to find a peaceful way out of the differences between ourselves and those who are now our enemies; but it has been in vain.
我们中大多数人将面临第二次战争，我们已多次寻求通过和平方式解决国家间的争端，但一切都是徒劳的。
We have been forced into a conflict, for which we are called, with our allies to meet the challenge of a principle which, if it were to prevail, would be fatal to any civilized order in the world.
我们被迫卷入这场战争，我们必须接受这个挑战，我们面临的是一种邪恶的信念，如果希特勒大行其道，甚至文明秩序将毁于一旦。
It is a principle which permits a state in the selfish pursuit of power to disregard its treaties and its solemn pledges, which sanctions the use of force or threat of force against the sovereignty and independence of other states.
这种信念允许一个国家可以为了对权力的自私追求而抛弃它的条约和庄重的誓言，允许它用武力或恐吓侵犯其他国家的主权与独立。
Such a principle, stripped of all disguise, is surely the mere primitive doctrine that might is right, and if this principle were established through the world, the freedom of our own country and of the whole British Commonwealth of nations would be in danger.
这种信念褪去伪装之后，只是对强权的赤裸裸的追求，如果这种信念在世界传播开来，我们的祖国，以及其他所有英联邦国家的自由，将会处于危险之中。
But far more than this, the peoples of the world would be kept in bondage of fear, and all hopes of settled peace and of security, of justice and liberty, among nations, would be ended.
不仅如此，全世界人民将会成为恐惧的奴隶，并且各国之间对于稳定和平、安全、以及自正义和自由的希望，将不复存在。
This is the ultimate issue which confronts us. For the sake of all that we ourselves hold dear, and of the world order and peace, it is unthinkable that we should refuse to meet the challenge.
这是我们面里的最大的挑战，为了我们所珍视的一切，为了世界的秩序与和平，无法想象我们拒绝迎接这样的挑战。
It is to this high purpose that I now call my people at home and my peoples across the seas, who will make our cause their own.
为如此崇高目的，我呼吁国内的民众以及国外的民众以此为己任。
I ask them to stand calm and firm and united in this time of trial.
我恳请大家保持冷静和坚定，在考验面请团结起来。
The task will be hard. There may be dark days ahead, and war can no longer be confined to the battlefield, but we can only do the right as we see the right, and reverently commit our cause to God. If one and all we keep resolutely faithful to it, ready for whatever service or sacrifice it may demand, then with God's help, we shall prevail.
考验是严峻的，我们还会面临一段艰难的日子，战争也不只局限于前线，只有心怀正义才能正确行事，我们在此虔诚向上帝祈祷，只要每个人坚定信念，在上帝的帮助下，我们必将胜利!
May He bless and keep us all.
愿上帝保佑我们!
邱吉尔在二战期间对德宣战演讲稿
Iron Curtain Speech
by Winston Churchill, 1946
“From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent.”
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name “Westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step--namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars--though not, alas, in the interval between them--I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
Though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method--the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “In my father's house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings”--to quote some good words I read here the other day--why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate act.
篇2：向垃圾食品宣战演讲稿
大家好，我的名字叫垃圾食品，我天天穿着美丽的衣裳，坐在小商店最显眼的位置上，等待着被别人买走。我们有许多时髦的名字，比如——神厨小富贵、唐僧肉、猫和老鼠、爆椒虾片……够诱人吧!其实，我们的成分与这些名字大不相同。嘿嘿，告诉你吧，我们其实是用一些用过的油炸成的，要原料嘛，就是一个字——面!再撒上一些劣质的调料和一些能把你的肠子染上颜色的色素，再来点辣椒面，就成了香喷喷的我!
我们身上布满了害人的病菌，被人咽下肚以后，我们身上那些令人厌烦的病菌就会找到一个温暖的地方，开始繁殖，等病菌多了以后，就一拥而上，让这个人得病。害得他又打针又吃药，哈哈哈。
我们身上不光有害人的病菌，还有很多食品添加剂呢!比如说色素、日落黄、山梨酸钾、安赛蜜等，这些都是对人体有害的东西。
可别把我的秘密说出去，我的职业只有两个字——害人。如果小朋友都知道了我的秘密，我早就被开除公职了。
现在，许多学校的广播天天都在揭穿我的秘密，我被大人骂得体无完肤，喜爱我的人也越来越少了，我真是生不如死啊!
篇3：向垃圾食品宣战演讲稿
一天我和妈妈到商店买衣服，走在街上，忽然看到一群人围在一处，好奇心促使我也挤进了人群。
只见，一个人，在一辆小吃车旁边，双手麻利得操纵着。原来，他是这条路上有名的人。由于他长得像林俊杰，所以很多人喜欢光临他的小吃车。他主要买的是炸年糕、扎花菜、臭豆腐、炸蘑菇……他的小吃物美价廉，所以喜欢他的小学生都过来买了 这不，一位大概十来岁的小男孩正大声叫道：“叔叔，我要炸年糕和炸花菜，各来两份!快一些!”“好嘞!”小老板一边哼着小曲儿，一边忙活着。紧接着，又来了一个人，是一位十七八岁的青年，他喊道：“叔叔，快，我要一份臭豆腐、三串炸蘑菇和两串扎青菜!快点儿，我的朋友正在等着我呢!”“放心，马上搞定!”小老板迅速应了一句，又开始工作了。他的速度飞快，食品又好吃，所以他的生意越来越火热，挤进来的人越来越多。大家纷纷抢购。这里简直就像一个大大的农贸市场似的!
突然，一位中年妇女用温州话说了一句：“真是的，垃圾食品还拿来卖，这么不卫生，还有这么多人来买。特别是小学生。市都提议不能买垃圾食品和吃垃圾食品的。还来买!唉。真是教育不起来呀!”听的.懂温州话的人都转向她，当然也包括我，但我没有买啊!一位挤在里面的，高高的青年小声嘀咕了一句：“是啊，垃圾食品处处都有，如果城管来了，看到我在这儿买，我，我不就惨了吗……”说完，一忽儿，溜走了。我想：也对啊!垃圾食品对身体有害，里面还加了一些地沟油啊、污水啊……城管怎么不来啊，这都不管。突然，我看到了一位穿着制服，手袋袖套的大叔走过来，“城管!”我轻轻的叫道，以防被这位小老板发现。啊，真是“说曹操，曹操就到啊!”我心里正高兴着!只见城管过来，怎么这么多认为在这儿啊?怎么回事啊?我把事情的经过告诉了城管。“搜查，查他的车。”突然，我在车子的第一层看到了一个袋子，里面有一个臭臭的东西!什么，这就是涂臭豆腐的东西，——大便!大家知道后都感到恶心和愤怒，他们都在想：“早知如此，就不买啊，不能以一时的嘴馋，而毁了自己的一生啊!
是啊，这些路上的小吃车的小老板都在装模样，把自己的东西用色素啊，大便啊，地沟油啊涂起来，在诱惑顾客。可一些顾客却经不起诈骗，还是去买。
我要提醒大家，特别是小学生，路上的小摊小贩的东西都是不卫生的，都是些垃圾食品，以后千千万万不要背受骗了啊!这会害你的一生的!
篇4：向污染宣战的环保演讲稿
今年全国两会期间，环境保护成为热点话题，代表委员建言献策，提出众多提案议案。我们应该清醒地看到，环境保护既是热点问题，同时也是当前社会突出的难点问题。
我们追求的发展，是提高质量效益、推进转型升级、改善人民生活的发展，然而雾霾、温室效应、臭氧层空洞、水土流失等问题已是大自然向粗放发展方式亮起的红灯，已经与我们的发展理念相违背，已是我们不得不面对的刻不容缓需要解决的棘手难题。
为此我们必须加强生态环境保护，努力建设生态文明的美好家园。生态文明建设关系人民生活，关乎民族未来，我们要像对贫困宣战一样，坚决向环境污染宣战，下决心用硬措施完成硬任务。
一要以深化改革为强大动力，以调整结构为主攻方向，以改善民生为根本目的，统筹兼顾，突出重点，务求实效。
二要促进产业结构调整，推动能源生产和消费方式变革，进退并举，加大节能减排力度，控制能源消费总量。
三要加快开发应用节能环保技术和产品，把节能环保产业打造成生机勃勃的朝阳产业。
篇5：向污染宣战的环保演讲稿
我们的生活水平正在逐步提高，高楼大厦平地而起，大街上车水马龙，晚上霓虹灯闪……我们的生活水平提高了，但是我们生活的环境却越来越差了……
“清澈见底的小河;清新的空气;湛蓝的天空……”这是梦想中的世界。而现在呢?清澈见底的小河被垃圾、污水残忍的侵略了——变得又脏又臭;清新的空气被垃圾、污水，家禽的粪便破坏了;原来绿油油的草坪，现在因为人类不自觉的爱护、保护而导致现在遍地垃圾，使小草无法正常生存，甚至枯萎死亡……这些现象都是人类不爱护环境造成的。
醒醒吧!人类。保护环境就是保护我们人类赖以生存的家园。如果我们再不保护环境，那么在不久的将来人类将会无法生存：我们的淡水资源会越来越少;植株遭到破坏，污染也会越来越严重;过度的伐木使树木越来越贫瘠、动物无家可归、野生动物濒临灭绝，更严重的还可能导致森林沙漠化，绿洲变荒原。
保护环境，人人有责，让我们向污染宣战，从身边的一草一木，一点一滴开始做起，保护我们赖以生存的家园，和污染说拜拜吧!
篇6：向惰性宣战
向惰性宣战
我读过“温水煮青蛙”的故事，青蛙在舒适的环境下渐渐具有惰性，没有察觉到温水下的一团火焰，最终只能等待死亡。但竟没有料想到，自己也是被惰性控制的一只“青蛙”。
考试铃声响起，标志着一个学期的生活已经结束，我却瘫坐在考场中。面对即将被收走的布满空白的试卷，我咬紧嘴唇，眼泪在眼眶里打转。这学期我到底怎么啦，为什么结局如此糟糕。
我的耳际响起老师的叮嘱：“不要向惰性屈服。每个人都是水瓶里的气泡，如果不能忍受困难的摇晃，你就会被惰性带向瓶底。”我的脑海里闪出了一只沸水里的青蛙，拼命的挣扎却无济于事。我痛苦地掐断了联想。原来，是惰性绊住我前进的脚步。我不禁倒吸一口冷气，惰性是狡猾的敌人。它在我身旁潜伏了这么久，我竟从未发觉它的存在，而它却像强酸般慢慢消磨我的意志，削弱我的战斗力，它在潜移默化中改变了我
过于安逸的环境，似乎也成了惰性的帮凶。在舒适的环境中，我沉溺于四角的封闭的空间，总觉得自己还不错。我忽视了母亲焦虑的眼神，无视了渐渐下滑的成绩；老师的提醒也成了飘忽而过的“耳旁风”。随着惰性的.扩张，它化作一道道封锁线，蒙蔽住我的双眼。它使我不能停下来思索得失。它像一台失控的汽车载我冲下悬崖，而我竟没有觉察到危险。我只是顺着惰性的驱使，极力掩饰冒出的问题，向大家粉饰太平。
惰性愈战愈勇，占据我的连片的城池。我却像懦弱的清末政府，妥协退让，一味逃避。最令我懊恼的，是我没有反抗的意识。我总是想出许多理由拒绝改变，觉得改变的的路途将困难重重，然而，事在人为，如果果断地去做，调动我全身的神经去应对，我总能找出无数种应对的方案。惰性是汹涌的大浪，正在拍击我脆弱的筑堤，此刻危机四伏。如果我再不付诸行动，我的结局可想而知。当种种问题摆在眼前：要么改变，要么面临淘汰，现实成为我的盟友，它如泼在我脸上的一捧冷水，催我警醒。
我深吐一口气，好像要把惰性吹散一般，我已做好准备，背水一战。惰性，我要向你宣战。狭路相逢勇者胜，我何惧你！总有一天，我会把你赶出我的生活。到那时，我将无悔于我的青春！
篇7：与风“宣战”
生活总归是坎坷的，举身于这人群川流不息的世界，无限的挑战正一波又一波向我们奔袭而来，四面八方包围着的是一次次竞争，或是和身边的家人朋友竞争，或是和自己内心的慵懒胆怯竞争，当然，还有和自然无穷力量之间的竞争。一次偶然的机会让我体会到了与风竞争的艰辛以及挑战成功的无尽的快乐。
秋天有着醉人的灿烂，阳光普照下，一片片打卷的镶金叶随风尽情摇摆，为正午的庭院铺上了一层厚厚的暖黄色，洋溢着迷人的果香和麦田的景色，然而，季节里的另外一景却正释放着凉意：我悻悻地拖着扫把踱进冷飕飕的流动空气中，不管怎样裹紧大衣，还是能感受到寒意经缝隙触到我的体温，再紧紧捏住肌肤，刀刮似的阵阵袭来。“这么一大堆树叶是给人扫的吗?让我和这大风竞争，根本就不现实嘛!”此时，风正不停地席卷着大地，掠起昏黄的沙土，叶片在弥漫的尘埃中穿梭，强风尽情展示着它的残酷，打压着我心中仅剩的一点温存和希望。
“还是试试吧!就一会儿。”我惧怕地想。挥起沉重的扫把，为自己哗啦出一片可以下脚的地方，然后按部就班地扫了起来。和这么强劲的风较劲，显然是不见成效的。帽子、围巾都不停地撕扯着，连扫把都不听人使唤了，被大风刮得晕头转向，我费劲地弯下腰，刚想用袋子装起扫好的少得可怜的落叶，一阵风儿吹过，叶子们撒着欢儿似的飞到了天上，随后四散而去，如同放学后的小学生，欢叫着离去。而我却一屁股坐在了地上：“大自然的力量还真是伟大啊!”一边叹着气，一边觉得自己软弱得像一张浸透了水的纸。我低下头，拍拍身上的尘土，准备回屋：“和秋风竞争，还真是有病啊!”
“这就想放弃了?”不知是谁在我的脑海中读出了这么一句话，我像被人吓着了似的回头看看这背后的庭院，风儿更加肆虐了，飞舞着从我的眼前缓缓飘过，那悠闲的样子仿佛在嘲笑我的无能。不知是逆反心理还是怎的，我的心中猛地滋生出一种力量，在喉咙中孕育着喷薄而出：“你别小看我，我才没有放弃，面对你的竞争和挑战，我决不会失败。”这是对风的“宣战”。于是，打心底的信心与目标温暖了我的身体，我全力投入到这场与风的竞争中去了。身体中蕴蓄的力量释放了出来，我挥舞着扫把，用巧妙的方法一堆堆归拢好了叶片，又背着风迅速装进了黑色的垃圾袋中。“有什么了不起的?只要有勇气迎接挑战，有能力参与竞争，我就是赢者。”
是啊，自然的力量是无穷的，挑战的力量也是无穷的，我要勇于竞争、勇于挑战，就能求得梦寐以求的成功。
篇8：向白色污染宣战
向白色污染宣战
幼儿园健康教案：向白色污染宣战［活动目标］
1、感受塑料制品给环境造成的严重污染，初步了解目前科学解决这种污染的办法。
2、通过宣传实践活动，增强环保意识，提高交往能力。
［活动准备］
和幼儿一起埋在地下的塑料袋和纸袋。
拍摄的无处不在的塑料袋录象片。
做纸袋用的.材料：挂历纸、剪刀。
［活动过程］
一、让幼儿实地观看实验结果
1、师：小朋友，还记得前几天咱们一起埋在地下的塑料袋和纸袋吗？这么多天过去了，你们猜猜它们会有什么变化？
带领幼儿挖出埋在地下的塑料袋和纸袋，问：你们发现了什么？（塑料袋还是那么完整，纸袋有些腐烂）这是为什么呢？
教师小结：在我们自然界中，虫类和一些微生物会使纸袋慢慢分解腐烂，而塑料袋却不能分解腐烂，它会在土壤里埋上许多年，而且还会产生有害物质。
二、了解塑料袋在日常生活中的使用情况
那在我们生活当中那些地方会使用塑料袋呢？（幼儿回答）
师：现在，老师带你们去看一看。（看录象）
教师讲解：（分别看一看超市，菜市场，水果店，快餐店的塑料袋使用情况）
2、师：刚才我们看到人们每天都用那么多的塑料袋，你们是怎么想的？使用塑料袋有什么危害吗？
3、教师小结：使用塑料袋很方便但会影响环境污染空气，损害人们的身体健康。
三、讨论减少塑料袋污染的办法
1、师：塑料袋的污染这么严重，有没有可以解决的办法呢？小朋友们，你们有没有解决的好办法呢？（篮子，纸袋，布袋）
师：刚才小朋友们说用篮子，纸袋，布袋来代替塑料袋，那用这些袋子有什么好处呢？
教师小结：篮子结实而且可以清洗用很长时间，纸袋携带方便没有污染，可以用完后回收再加工使用，布袋可以清洗长时间使用。
2、师：可是现在我们没法做到禁止使用塑料袋，那这些塑料袋该怎样处理呢？
教师小结：现在环保部门主要采取两种方法，一种是把塑料袋埋在地下，但它会慢慢分解出一种有毒物质，破坏植物生长。另一种是把它烧掉，但会产生有毒气体，污染空气，损害健康，这两种方法都不太好。
四、制作纸袋
1、今天老师就教小朋友们一个解决塑料袋污染的好办法：就是推广使用布袋和纸袋。在下面老师给小朋友们准备了许多材料，让我们从现在开始保护环境，使用纸袋好不好？幼儿制作，教师指导。
赠送纸袋：小朋友做的纸袋漂亮又结实，你向把这个纸袋送给谁呢？想跟他说什么呢？（如：爸爸妈妈为了保护环境请你少用塑料袋使用纸袋吧）幼儿把纸袋送给幼儿园的老师，请她和小朋友一起保护环境。
篇9：向光阴宣战
光阴似箭，日月如梭。不知不觉，我们长大了，身边的人鬓发斑白。我们还有多少青春可以挥霍？不要让自己后悔，自己曾虚度光阴。来，提起勇气，拿出信心！让我们珍惜每一天！
时钟滴答滴答走个不停，每声滴答都在激荡着我们涟漪的心。此时，你也许会惊惶，也许会害怕。但，朋友请收敛起你的懦弱，光阴这个敌人并不可怕，可怕的是我们没有战胜他的决心。此刻，我们只能不断去尝试，不断充实我们的生活。不要让自己去追光阴，要让光阴刻刻追赶你！待我们成功之时，我们能问心无愧地说：“我，战胜了光阴！”
能战胜光阴的人就能创造奇迹，不是吗？1942年1月8日出生于英国的牛津的史蒂芬·霍金，在1963被诊断患有运动神经元疾病，这给事业正处巅峰期的他给予了沉痛的打击。直到他被诊断寿命只剩下2年甚至只有两根手指头能动，他还在不懈研究。因为他不想虚度光阴，尽管大限即将到来。就这样，身残志坚，不屈服于光阴的他终于跻身成为皇家学会会员，并任职剑桥大学数学鲁卡斯教授。他又投身研究黑洞，并发行书籍，霍金这个名字一时响彻世界。一个2年过去了，又一个2年过去了，霍金以他过人的意志战胜了病魔，获得了不计其数的荣誉。
如今，有多少人为自己虚度光阴而懊悔！又有多少人至今仍无所事事！朋友，请振作精神，让青春充满活力，让热血激荡青春！
用心聆听，光阴仍在流逝……
获嘉县第一初级中学初二：哥メ视学如命
篇10：向陋习宣战，做文明学生演讲稿
向陋习宣战，做文明学生演讲稿
文明是新时代的主题，是生活中不可缺少的一部分。它就如一泓清泉，滋润着我们的心灵，给予我们精神上的慰藉。中华民族自古以来就是一个讲究品德教育，个人修养的民族。一个甜美的笑容，一种执着的追求，一次慰藉人心的宽容，融汇成美的赞颂曲。我们的祖先也以文明著称于世，在世界文明的长河里，我们是现代文明的使者，是现代文明的代言人。
文明在生活的细节琐事中处处体现着。文明是尊老爱幼，文明是静静聆听，文明是不乱扔垃圾，不随地吐痰等生活中一些平平常常，微不足道的小事，但若是有哪个人能做到这些方面，那么他就可以成为一个有修养的人。修养是指一个人身上所拥有的文化，智慧和善良所表现出的一种美德。有修养，有内涵是我们中华民族的好传统。 古人云：修身、齐家、治国、平天下。把“修身”列在首位说明良好的个人修养是成就事业的前提，西方哲学家亚里士多德也曾说过：对于美德，我们仅止于熟悉是不够的，我们还必须努力培养它，运用它，或是采取种种方法，以使我们成为良善之人。
而在现实生活中，不文明的现象处处都是。众目睽睽下摘花，十字路口闯红灯，公共场所随地吐痰，垃圾、塑料袋子随处堆放。破坏公物的现象更是屡禁不止，这些虽然都是小事，但折射出的却是一个人的自身修养。告别陋习，是自尊自爱的表现，是美好人生的起点，更是对他人，集体的'尊重，爱护。
有的人只用一句温暖的话语，一个体贴的眼神，看似微不足道的举动，实则用意深远。有的人举手投足间便给人一种舒服，畅快，安稳的感觉，胸怀宽容、随和，内心温暖、美好，这可以称得上是一种美了。这种美，不一定是长得很美、很帅，但是只要我们稍加注意就可以发现他的与众不同，这就是个人修养。个人修养是一个人素质的体现，它的好坏直接关系到平时的待人处事，良好的修养不仅能够体现自身的品味与价值，更能带动周围的人提高个人素质。当今，每个人都被社会推进了市场，利益越来越影响人与人之间的关系。然而，非功利因素在建立健康，和谐的人际关系中依然显得非常重要。一个人面对挫折的乐观程度，情绪控制能力，认识他人情感能力以及交往能力等，都是自身修养的重要体现。它对加深沟通交流，提高人格魅力有着举足轻重的作用。我们是学生，社会实践与交流沟通是我们必不可少的能力之一。而修养，正是释放自己，展现自己的最好方式。
习近平主席提出了24个字的社会主义核心价值观，其中“爱国、敬业、诚信、友善”是对全体公民个人层面提出的基本通德规范，这其实也是在要求我们提高自身的修养，在谈到这24个字的时候很多同学会觉得“假”.但我觉得，爱国，可以从爱校做起，遵守学校的制度和章程；敬业，可以从学习做起，认直严谨的对待学业；诚信，可以从做事作起，诚实守信，踏实做好每一件事；友善，可以从身边做起，能设身处地的为他人考虑。让我们告别陋习，做文明学生，为中华之崛起而奋斗。
演讲，撰稿：周凡淇
指导教师：柳杨
篇11：向冬天宣战国旗下的演讲稿
向冬天宣战国旗下的演讲稿
老师们，同学们：
早上好！
冬天，没有夏的温暖与创造，没有秋的惬意与凉爽。它带给我们的是深深的寒冷与凛冽的寒风。因为冬天知道，人总会在温暖舒适中迷失方向，在艰难困苦中奋起，所以冬天特意把寒冷带给我们。它大喊：怯懦的人们，起来战斗吧！寒风会鞭策你们前进，而大雪会抬高你们的梦想。
这是冬天的大公无私，而我们又怎能对他视而不见呢？遥想古人，他们在寒冷环境中刻苦读书，即使“天大寒，砚冰坚”却依旧可“弗之怠”。屈原为了读《诗经》，不论刮风下雨，天寒地冻，始终如一，经过整整三年，熟读“风雅颂”，终成伟大诗人。当他手捧《诗经》，他的精神世界得到了满足，纵使天寒地冻，寒风凛冽，又怎奈何得了他。晋代孙康映雪读书，明代开国文臣宋濂为一个问题，冒严寒，奔百里，脚趾都被冻坏，却终不改悔，终成一位大家。冬天里，他们不曾停下步伐；冬天里，他们依旧刻苦努力。
同学们，我只想说：古人尚且如此，何况我们。所以，同学们，请行动起来吧！被窝是青春的.坟墓——不要再留恋早上那温暖的被窝，要知道我们的梦想不在那里。请试着早起五分钟，你会感受到很大的不同。同学们，请伸出你们的手，我们的双手不应该是插在口袋或是缩在衣袖中的，我们要用双手编织我们青春的梦想！同学们，请千万不要吝啬你们的嘴，上课积极和老师进行互动，这样既可集中精力，又可防止犯困。《荀子》说：“无宿问”，就是问题不过夜，当天问题当天解决。我们要积极迈动双腿，多往办公室和同学身边跑，坚持下去你会受益匪浅。同学们，请珍惜我们的点滴时间，“尺璧非宝，寸阴是竞”。《三国志》中也说：“冬者岁之余，夜者日之余，阴雨者时之余。”就是言时光宝贵，要珍惜“冬、夜、阴雨”这些看似无用的时间。
同学们，寒冬虽然已经来临了，可我们的梦想仍将继续。高三年级的学长们将在他们高考的征途中继续前行，高一年级的学弟学妹们也将在这个冬天迎接他们进入高中以来的最重要的一次考试，而我们在本周将迎来小高考的第一仗——信息技术学业水平测试，我只想说时间不可复制，请藏起你们的畏惧与懦弱，拿出与严寒作斗争的勇气与力量，别让梦想冬眠，让我们向冬天宣战！
在这个冬天里，努力了，结果就会不同。
谢谢！
篇12：人生励志演讲稿：转变思想，向“穷”宣战
各位同事：您们好!
今天，很高兴站在这里，和大家探讨下“人生”，呵呵，不知道大家对“穷”字是什么想法呢，“穷”在现代社会，是个不受欢迎的词。大众奋斗的社会意义，就是要把它挤出《新华字典》。而绝对意义的穷，是很可怕的，它挤压一个人生存和命运的空间。
而在温饱满足的年代，穷，往往又成为一个相对的概念。
比如说我，也正在赶往“小康”的路上，而一旦想到奢侈品，“穷”的阴影当即萦绕心头，内心会产生痛苦。前不久，我跟儿子说，你老爸准备买车啦!儿子说，是啊，是啊，你买一副中国象棋，就拥有两部“车”啦。新新人类说话喜欢带刺儿，不过往往能一矢中的。我跟儿子说，儿子，你在这个问题上讽刺我，我真有点难过。
人总在向上攀比中感到自己穷。李嘉诚虽富，想到比尔·盖茨，他会感到自己穷。比尔·盖茨富，让他造几艘航母或者航天飞机，他也会觉得自己不够富。相对意义的“穷”，是帝王般开疆拓土的雄心与国界限定性的矛盾，是自我的内心欲望结出的青葡萄。
与“穷”相对的是“富”。在一个倡导创富的时代，穷，是我们每个人需要去摆脱的缰绳和枷锁。其实，这种意识和倡导本身，就是一种发展和进步。我爸那个时代，美女都爱嫁贫农。我爸一辈子，忌讳“富”字犹如瘌痢头忌讳“光”字。他出身富农家庭，没有享受到富的待遇，却要承受富的压迫。因为这个从没让他得到过实惠的“富”字，他在单位不能入党和提干，只能回家喝闷酒。他在口头上凶猛地讨伐“富”，是想摆脱富的阴影;在那些求一根劣质香烟而不可多得的日子里，他又明白自己很穷，心里又巴望能真的富一点。这是一种无奈的穷而酸。
处在“穷”的状态，内心有一种煎熬，穷，并不是一种美好的感觉，也未必能与美德挂钩。但并不可怕，日子总能对付，西哲罗素先生说，穷最可怕的后果，是让穷扭曲了自己的思维。
在一个倡导创富的时代，如何面对自己的“穷”。这是一个问题。其实，罗素先生给我们提了个醒。欲望一天天累积，一天天得不到满足，因而产生憋屈，产生怒火。所谓穷而不酸，是说要求消除因穷产生的怨愤。置身于“穷”，首先要有耐心，其次要心平气和。
买不起车，不用小刀划豪车上的油漆;住不起别墅，见了别墅，不要祝愿小偷出入其间;见富人打个饱嗝，不去想象那一桌子生猛海鲜;见了富人的脚后跟，也不怂恿小狗去追逐。
当我步行去上班时，想到了散步的种种好处，但同时又意识到，如果用散步的种种好处去抵挡车的诱惑，这又是一种酸。穷和富既对立也转化，穷需要思变。今后，我会像田鼠一样时时耸起耳朵，像猫头鹰一样睁开夜的眼睛，找准时机，向“穷”宣战!
篇13：向贫困宣战倡议书
向贫困宣战倡议书_倡议书
新中国成立以来，在党中央、国务院的正确领导下，在社会各界的大力支持下，云南省各级党委政府带领全省各族人民自力更生、艰苦奋斗，与贫困和落后展开艰苦卓绝的斗争，取得了巨大的成就。
特别是从1994年全省实施“七七扶贫攻坚计划”到XX年的8年间，共投入扶贫专项资金189亿元，按年人均纯收入560元的标准，解决了623万贫困人口的温饱问题；按年人均纯收入625元的标准，XX年至XX年又解决了119万人的温饱问题。
贫困地区呈现出经济发展，民族团结，社会进步，边疆巩固，生产生活条件明显改善的发展态势。然而，由于受历史条件、地理环境和经济社会发展程度低的限制，云南仍处于社会主义初级阶段的低层次，贫困范围广、贫困人口多、贫困程度深，是我国扶贫攻坚的主战场之一，扶贫攻坚的任务十分艰巨。
到XX年全省农民年人均纯收入在865元以下的贫困人口还有764万。他们当中，有286万人生活在绝对贫困线下；他们当中，有50万人丧失了生存条件，急需实施易地搬迁扶贫；他们当中，有40多万户200多万人居住在四面通风、摇摇欲坠的`茅草房、杈杈房、木楞房甚至岩洞之中，夏不避雨、冬不御寒；他们当中，相当一部分人食不果腹，贫病交加；他们当中，有相当一部分人饮水困难，饥渴交困；他们当中，还有许多孩子，因家庭经济贫困，身居校外，不能入学就读。
云南省委、省政府高度重视扶贫开发工作，为在云南彻底消除绝对贫困现象，使云南与全国同步实现全面建设小康社会的目标，计划在今后的五年内筹集45亿元资金，对基本丧失生存条件的50万农村贫困人口实施易地搬迁；基本消除40万特困农户的茅草房、杈杈房、木楞房，并辅之新建100万亩基本农田、30万件“五小水利”、30万口沼气池、发展100万亩经济作物、100万头大牲畜等必要的产业支撑，基本解决特困群众的温饱问题。但是要帮助764万低收入人口全部摆脱贫困状况，特别是帮助286万绝对贫困群众摆脱贫困，是一项十分艰巨的系统工程，迫切需要全社会的参与，各方面的支持。为此，我们向全社会倡议：齐心协力向绝对贫困宣战！只要您捐助5000元，就能帮助1个贫困农民搬离丧失生存条件的地方，重建家园；只要您捐助4000元，通过村民互助，投工投劳，就能帮助1户特困农户建盖60至80平方米的安居房，有一个躲雨避风的安身之处；只要您捐助300元，就能帮助1个贫困农民解决饮水困难。热忱希望社会团体、企业和各界人士弘扬中华民族扶贫济困的传统美德，奉献爱心，以各种方式捐资赠物，帮县、帮乡、帮村、包户，帮助这些特困农户摆脱贫困。朋友们、同胞们，我们同为炎黄子孙、华夏子民，贫困地区的人民迫切需要全社会的支援，扶贫攻坚事业需要你我共同的爱心，扶贫济困是我们民族的光荣传统，爱心互助是时代文明进步的标志。你的一份爱心将改变一个贫困家庭的状况和命运，全社会的爱心就是一条荡涤贫困的浩荡河流。
让我们携起手来，一起向贫困宣战；让我们携起手来，共建一个美好的家园；让我们携起手来，实现中华民族的伟大复兴！
篇14：美国的宣战权
美国的宣战权
您知道吗，美国历史上发生过上百次战争，到目前为止，只有五次是由国会正式宣战，其余都是不宣而战。下面我们就来回顾美国近现代史上的几次战争，看看究竟是谁控制宣战权。
*美国正式对日本宣战*
美国第三十二任总统弗兰克林・罗斯福在日本偷袭美国海军基地珍珠港后的第二天，向国会请求对日宣战。他说：“昨天，1941年12月7号，将以耻辱载入史册。美利坚合众国遭到日本帝国海空军蓄意的突然袭击......我要求国宣布，从日本发动无缘无故和懦弱无耻的进攻这一天开始，美利坚合众国和日本帝国已经处于战争状态。”
美国国会参议院当天以82票对0票，众议院以388票对1票通过了罗斯福的请求，正式对日宣战，珍珠港事件也成为迫使美国参加第二次世界大战的导火索。从美国对日宣战中我们可以看出，宣战权掌握在国会手里，美国总统在派兵参战之前，必须经过国会的批准，而这也正是美国宪法所要求的。美国宪法规定，总统是陆海空三军的总司令，但是宣战、建立和维持海军、制定统辖及管理陆海军条例的权力交由国会控制。
*宪法规定国会具有宣战权*
美国哥伦比亚大学法学院教授迈克尔・多尔夫解释了国会和总统在这个问题上的权力分配。他说，美国宪法把进行战争的权力分交给国会和总统，国会控制宣战、建立军队和向军队拨款的权力。总统则是军队的统帅，他有权击退入侵和召集民兵。通俗地说就是，如果要发动全面战争和进行长期规划，国会说了算，如果是做出紧急反应和贯彻军事行动，总统说了算。
多尔夫教授指出，美国的开国先父在制定宪法时之所以把宣战权交给国会是因为，他们担心行政机构会轻易地把国家引向战争，而国会是由人民选出的代表组成，因此就把更多的权力交给国会。尽管宪法如此规定，但事实上，美国历史上发生的上百次战争，只有五次由国会宣战，它们是：18的美英战争、1846年对墨西哥的战争、18对西班牙的战争、19参加第一次世界大战，以及1941年对日宣战。从此以后，再没有出现国会宣战的情况，而发生的战争和冲突都是“不宣而战”。
*总统权力不断扩大*
象美国国会图书馆资深专家路易・费舍尔这样的评论人士指出，出现上述情况是由总统权力日益扩大造成的。他说：“最初国会支配宣战权是很肯定的，因为美国宪法制定者拒绝采用英国和其它国家实行的君主政体，而努力建立自己的民主代表制共和政体。国会作为权力中心的情况可以说一直持续到二战的时候。但是，自从二战以来，总统的权力就越来越大，部份原因是，总统们说，他们可以得到联合国安理会或北约的授权。因此，过去五十到六十年中，美国总统一直利用这些地区和国际组织限制国会的权力。”
哥伦比亚大学法学院教授多尔夫指出，美国国会不愿意为战争后果承担责任也是总统权力扩大的原因之一。他说：“如果总统想派兵，国会不正式宣战，战争结局如果是美军伤亡人数比较多，军事行动没有达到预期的战略目标，那么国会就可以说，这是总统的失败，不是国会的失败。另一方面，士兵在前线打仗的情况下，国会不愿意投票反对开战，因为人们会对他们是否爱国提出置疑。因此，国会通常的做法不是投票支持或反对宣战，而是和总统进行协商或采取其它行动。”
多尔夫教授说，从另一方面讲，大多数情况下，总统们都很清楚在发动全面战争之前有必要和国会商量，不过也有例外的时候。下面我们就来回顾一下开始于二十世纪中叶的越南战争，看看美国总统是如何在国会未正式宣战的情况下对越开战的。
*美国对越南的战争*
二战结束后，越南摆脱了法国的殖民统治而获得独立。但是，整个国家却南北分治，北越由胡志明领导的越南共产党控制，南越由亲法派控制。1963年，北越对南越宣战，越战爆发。当时的美国总统林登・约翰逊继续执行前任艾森豪威尔的遏制越南共产党的.政策，因为他担心，一旦越共上台，共产主义会迅速扩散到周边其它国家，因此就积极支持南越政府。
1964年8月4号，美国驱逐舰声称在东京湾受到北越巡逻快艇的两次攻击，几小时后，林登・约翰逊总统就下令美国空军对北越进行空袭。8月7号，美国国会通过了《东京湾决议》，准许作为军队总司令的总统采取一切必要手段，击退针对美国军队的袭击，以避免进一步的侵略的权力。从此，美国正式加入越战并使战争升级。这里，我们看到，虽然美国国会在<<东京湾决议>>中给对越开战开了绿灯，但是并没有正式宣战。因此约翰逊总统的做法也招致了不少争议。
美国国会图书管资深专家费舍尔认为，国会是在约翰逊总统的误导下才同意他采取必要的军事行动的。他说：“1964年8月国会通过东京湾决议后，人们才知道，美军受到的两次袭击，其中一次也许从来没有发生过。因此，美国政府有意无意地误导国会通过了东京湾决议。”
1968年3月31号，因越战而遭到各方猛烈批评的约翰逊总统宣布不再竞选连任。他说：“美国的儿子们仍在远方作战，美国的未来在国内受到挑战，我们的希望以及世界和平的希望每天都处于风雨飘摇之中。我认为，我除了履行自己作为本届总统的神圣职责外，不应该再从事任何本党的或其它工作。因此，我不会再谋求，也不会接受本党提名，竞选连任下届总统。”
1973年1月27日，有关各方签订停火协议《巴黎和约》，美国正式结束对越南的军事介入。可惜的是，约翰逊总统没有看到这一天就去世了。
*国会加强控制战争权*
越战后，鉴于总统权力日益扩大的现实，美国国会不顾尼克松总统的否决，以压倒性多数投票通过了<<战争权力决议>>，确认了在涉及军事行动方面，总统和国会分担关键决策的责任。
南部卫理公会大学法学院院长约翰・安塔纳西奥介绍了<<战争权力决议>>的内容。他说：“这个决议确立了国会和总统之间相互认真协商的过程。决议规定，如果总统要使用武力，他必须首先向国会汇报，之后60天之内，还要得到国会的许可，这个许可也许不象宣战许可那么广泛，但是却往往非常具体，例如必须说明战争会持续多长时间，总统的权力有多大等，因为国会认为，在宣战权方面，它必须发挥更大和更积极的作用。国会没有权力进行战争，因为美国宪法中规定，它只有宣战的权力，在它给予宣战许可，或这样类似宣战的许可后，只有总统有权进行战争。如果总统不寻求国会的批准就开战的话，他就会遇到麻烦。”
哥伦比亚大学法学院教授多尔夫说，<<战争权力决议>>也遭到一些人的反对。他说：“一些评论人士，特别是那些支持行政机构权力的人士认为，<<战争权力决议>>不符合美国宪法，因为总统作为三军总司令，有权对国家安全受到的紧急威胁做出回应。既然如此，国会就无权不让总统这么做。批评人士说，国会有权不批准对战争拨款，但不应通过<<战争权力决议>>来限制总统的权力。因此，<<战争权力决议>>实际上处于一种中间状态，虽然国会认为它是有约束力的法律，但是大多数总统，即使他们遵守这一法律，也都是说，我是出于自愿才加以遵守的，但是在法律上，我并没有这样做的义务。”
*美国对伊拉克战争*
接下来，我们再来看看1991年美国对伊拉克战争。美国前总统乔治・布什在向伊拉克发动空袭后发表电视讲话说：“两个小时之前，盟军的空军部队开始向伊拉克和科威特境内的伊拉克军事目标进行空袭。在我讲话的时候，空袭行动仍在继续。地面部队没有参战，这个冲突开始于1990年8月2号，当时，伊拉克侵略了弱小无助的邻国科威特。”
1990年8月2号，伊拉克入侵科威特几天后，美国就向沙特阿拉伯派遣了军队，以保护沙特油田免遭进一步可能的袭击。8月6号，联合国安理会对伊拉克实施贸易禁令和经济制裁，同时命令在波斯湾的海军部队使用武力打击来犯之敌。9月，布什总统在美国国会联席会议上发表讲话指出，美国不能允许让萨达姆・侯赛因控制中东地区的石油资源。11月29号，联合国安理会做出决定，如果伊拉克不在1991年1月15号截止日期之前撤出科威特的话，成员国可以采取一切必要的手段把伊拉克赶出科威特。布什总统于是向海湾地区增派了美军部队，以迫使萨达姆・侯赛因撤军。之后，美国国会参众两院在与伊拉克的谈判破裂之后，投票授权布什总统使用武力。由于伊拉克没有遵照联合国的规定在1月15号之前从伊拉克撤军，美国总统布什下令对伊拉克进行空袭，这也就是人们熟知的沙漠风暴行动。
南部卫理公会大学法学院院长安塔纳西奥说：“在对伊拉克战争中，布什总统一开始没有徵求国会的批准，就下令向沙特阿拉伯派遣了军队，从而引起争议。我认为，美国总统在没有真正动兵的情况下，一般不太愿意执行<<战争权力决议>>。但是，在沙漠风暴行动正式开始之前，布什总统是得到国会批准的。”
虽然在沙漠风暴开始之前，布什得到了国会的批准，但是国会没有正式宣战。这是什么原因呢？哥伦比亚大学法学院教授多尔夫说：“我认为，总统不需要得到宣战权的一个论据是，联合国的决议要实现的目标是很有限的。近年来，人们争论的一个问题是，海湾战争结束时，美国军队只是把伊拉克军队赶出科威特，而不是开进巴格达，推翻萨达姆・侯赛因，是不是犯了政策性错误？政策上的争议虽然是一个问题，但是很明显，联合国所有的决议都只是授权使用军队，把伊拉克从科威特赶出去。因此，布什总统从国会谋求的是批准他实施联合国决议，而不是向伊拉克宣战。”
*美国最高法院的作用*
那么，在美国行政、立法和司法三大机构三权分立，相互制衡的宪政体制中，美国的法院系统在战争权力问题上处于什么位置呢？南部卫理公会大学法学院院长安塔纳西奥说：“在战争权力的问题上，美国联邦最高法院一般来说都交给立法和执法机构去管。联邦最高法院说，它有一个政治问题原则规定，如果宪法给予政府某一机构，而不是另外一个机构一项特殊的权力，那么被给予权力的机构就应实施这一权力。因此，联邦最高法院在审理有关案子时，经常利用这一原则不予以回应。它的论点是，这是国会和总统的事，不是它的事。
篇15：向水污染宣战作文
向水污染宣战作文
大人们常说：大自然和祖先留给我们的珍贵财富是碧水，可我总觉得水怎么没有图画上那么清了？水是人类宝贵的资源，人类的生活离不开水，水是怎么会污染的呢？原来，二十世纪九十年代，随着科技的.发展，各国工厂排放污水过多，加上各国游泳池的污水一起排放到海洋，还有燃烧石油会破坏水资源；所以，现在江河湖海里的水遭到了严重的破坏。水资源破坏后，我们只能喝纯净水，但我相信很多年后，科技的进步，人类的保护，可以让水环保起来，水就不会污染了。我盼望这一天早日到来！湖南省长沙市砂子塘小学3（2）班李逸远2004.10.6向水污染宣战作文250字【经典的宣战演讲稿】相关文章：
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